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Magna Carta and the problems of monarchy

1. The character of King John

· his unsuitability for the profession of a cloister was obvious

® by the time he was six, he was brought back to be educated at his father’s court

· John established a fondness of reading

· He was a tough, rather stout, energetic little man (only 5 foot and 5 inches)

· John was made up of inconsistencies

® bursting with energy ¹ plunged in the depths of depression

· John was very nervous and restless, he just could not be still (even in church). 

® No-one knew when the King’s hand would turn against him.

· From his record of daily expenses a good deal is known of his tastes and habits

 

2. King John and the French King

· King Philip´s aim: Annexation of England as a fief for his eldest son Louis

· April 1213: Council in Soisson

· May 1213: The battle off Damme

   ® John´s fleet defeated the French armada

· Plans for a campaign in Poitou by king John

   ® In 1214 he sailed for France

· Battle between Louis and king John in Angers

   ® John was defeated and returned to La Rochelle

· 27 July 1214: Battle of Bouvines

   ® King Philip and his army defeated Otto of Saxony and his allies

 

3. Reasons why the  conflict with the Church polarised under King John

· John tried to plant candidates in the top jobs in Church, especially in Canterbury

· A disputed election to the see of Canterbury in 1205 led to a clash with Innocent III

® The Pope’s consecration of Stephen Langton was a provocation, since Langton was

     much closer to King Philip than to John.

® Innocent laid an interdict on England and Wales.

· As a reaction John confiscated estates of the Church

· Innocent placed John under excommunication in 1209, which is the “most fearful and suicidal weapon of the medieval church”, for not accepting Langton as archbishop

· Plotting barons and Philip’s threat to cross the Channel served to remind John that an excommunicated King was likely to provoke rebellion among his people.

® decided to make peace with the Church

· John had to face on of the greatest Popes of the Middle Ages (1198-1216)

 

4. King John and the barons

· 15 October 1214: John finally returns to England

                                Barons conferring at Bury St Edmunds on Henry I´s Charter

· Christmas 1214: Baronial demand that John confirms Henry´s Charter

· 6 January 1215: London meeting with opposition barons deadlocked

· 8 January 1215: John sends legal representatives to Rome

· 19 February 1215: Letters of safe conduct for Northerners to come to Oxford

                                 Conference with William Marshall and Langton

· 4 March 1215: John takes crusading vows

· 19 March 1215: In Rome Pope Innocent III draws up "triplex forma pacis"

· 26 April 1215: Opposition barons gather at Northampton

· 30 April 1215: John at Wallingford receives demands of the barons and angrily reject it

                           (probably the "Unknown Charter”)

· 5 May 1215: Opposing barons make formal diffidatio at Reading

· 6 May 1215: John offers compromise settlement

· 8 May 1215: John asks Langton to excommunicate barons and then writes to the pope when

                        Langton refuses

· 10 May 1215: Royal letters patent offer "judgement of peers"

· 12 – 14 May 1215: Royal sheriffs seize rebel lands and king begins distribution among his

                                  supporters

· 17 May 1215: Rebel barons take London

· 15 June 1215: Date on the Charter, presumed of actual agreement

· 19 June 1215: Ceremony of peace between the king and barons

 

 

 

 

 

5. Magna Carta

(0) KNOW THAT BEFORE GOD, for the health of our soul and those of our ancestors and heirs, to the honour of God, the exaltation of the holy Church, and the better ordering of our kingdom, at the advice of our reverend fathers Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Henry archbishop of Dublin, William bishop of London, Peter bishop of Winchester, Jocelin bishop of Bath and Glastonbury, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Walter Bishop of Worcester, William bishop of Coventry, Benedict bishop of Rochester, Master Pandulf subdeacon and member of the papal household, Brother Aymeric master of the knighthood of the Temple in England, William Marshal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salisbury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Alan de Galloway constable of Scotland, Warin Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poitou, Hugh de Neville, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Thomas Basset, Alan Basset, Philip Daubeny, Robert de Roppeley, John Marshal, John Fitz Hugh, and other loyal subjects:

 (1) FIRST, THAT WE HAVE GRANTED TO GOD, and by this present charter have confirmed for us and our heirs in perpetuity, that the English Church shall be free, and shall have its rights undiminished, and its liberties unimpaired. That we wish this so to be observed, appears from the fact that of our own free will, before the outbreak of the present dispute between us and our barons, we granted and confirmed by charter the freedom of the Church's elections - a right reckoned to be of the greatest necessity and importance to it - and caused this to be confirmed by Pope Innocent III. This freedom we shall observe ourselves, and desire to be observed in good faith by our heirs in perpetuity.

 

(6) Heirs may be given in marriage, but not to someone of lower social standing. Before a marriage takes place, it shall be' made known to the heir's next-of-kin.

(13) The city of London shall enjoy all its ancient liberties and free customs, both by land and by water. We also will and grant that all other cities, boroughs, towns, and ports shall enjoy all their liberties and free customs.

(16) No man shall be forced to perform more service for a knight's `fee', or other free holding of land, than is due from it.

 

(20) For a trivial offence, a free man shall be fined only in proportion to the degree of his offence, and for a serious offence correspondingly, but not so heavily as to deprive him of his livelihood. In the same way, a merchant shall be spared his merchandise, and a husbandman the implements of his husbandry, if they fall upon the mercy of a royal

 

(21) Earls and barons shall be fined only by their equals, and in proportion to the gravity of their offence

 

(38) In future no official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it.

(40) To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice.

(51) As soon as peace is restored, we will remove from the kingdom all the foreign knights, bowmen, their attendants, and the mercenaries that have come to it, to its harm, with horses and arms.

(52) To any man whom we have deprived or dispossessed of lands, castles, liberties, or rights, without the lawful judgement of his equals, we will at once restore these. In cases of dispute the matter shall be resolved by the judgement of the twenty-five barons referred to below in the clause for securing the peace

(54) No one shall be arrested or imprisoned on the appeal of a woman for the death of any person except her husband.

(62) We have remitted and pardoned fully to all men any ill-will, hurt, or grudges that have arisen between us and our subjects, whether clergy or laymen, since the beginning of the dispute. We have in addition remitted fully, and for our own part have also pardoned, to all clergy and laymen any offences committed as a result of the said dispute between Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215) and the restoration of peace.

(63) IT IS ACCORDINGLY OUR WISH AND COMMAND that the English Church shall be free, and that men in our kingdom shall have and keep all these liberties, rights, and concessions, well and peaceably in their fulness and entirety for them and their heirs, of us and our heirs, in all things and all places for ever.

Both we and the barons have sworn that all this shall be observed in good faith and without deceit. Witness the abovementioned people and many others.

Given by our hand in the meadow that is called Runnymede, between Windsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the seventeenth year of our reign (i.e. 1215: the new regnal year began on 28 May).

 

6. The influence of the Magna Carta on today’s society

 

 

words

-cloister: Kreuzgang                               -oblate: Opfer                       

-repellent: widerwärtig                          -arbitrary: willkürlich             -judicious: klug

-(be) plunged: gefangen sein                   -(to) exact: verlangen             -dungeon: Verließ

-bishopric: Amtszeit des Bischofs        -(to) depose: absetzen           -fief: Lehen

-(to) consecrate: weihen                         -(to) levy taxes: Steuern erheben          

-self-indulgent: selbstgerecht                 -(to) amend: ergänzen

 

- estuary:   Gezeitenmündung               - fealtyLehnstreue

- dissident:  Andersdenkender                               - deadlock: Stillstand

- to disperse:   sich verbreiten               - to shelve:  zu den Akten legen

- vow:  Gelübde                                     - tantamount:    gleichbedeutend           

- pitched battle: offene Feldschlacht     - relief:   Ablösung

- arbiter:    Schiedsrichter                       - arbitration court:    Schiedsgericht

- truce:  Waffenstillstand                       - wardship:  Vormundschaft

 

 

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Magna Carta and the problems of monarchy

 

The character of King John

John had been destined by his parents for the life of the cloister. He was placed as an oblate in an abbey when he was not more than one year old. His unsuitability for this job must have become evident quite soon, since by the time he was about six some clergymen brought him back and John was educated at his father’s court and soon established a fondness of reading which lasted all his life. Even in the critical year 1203 when John should have been absorbed in public affairs, he had his library sent to Normandy. Still scientists agree on the fact that John was never strikingly clever.

He is said to have been full of contradictions, cruel and ruthless on the one hand, but self-indulgent and judicious on the other. He was a very tough, rather stout and energetic little man, only 5 foot and 5 inches high. Some people say that John tried to compensate his shortness with the help of his behaviour: most of the time he behaved in a very cruel, violent and even repellent way. His manner of coping with others is said to have been arbitrary, greedy, genial and passionate.

As we can see from the wide range of adjectives used in secondary literature, John was made up of inconsistencies: bursting with irresistible energy at one moment, and plunged in the depths of depression at the other. Showing his arbitrariness, it is said that in 1203 John was lying in bed till lunch time and spending the rest of the day feasting with his queen, while Philip Augustus of France was storming his castles and occupying John’s Norman lands. This also implies that John cannot have been idle. He was a very nervous  character and his restlessness is a pronounced characteristic: He just could not be still or stay at one place for longer than a few days. Even in Church he showed his impatience frequently when sending to the preacher bidding him to conclude his sermon as he wanted his dinner. He also was suspicious and would exact an oath from members of his household that they would report anything that was spoken against him.

But this also meant, that no-one ever knew when the King’s hand would turn against him. From the record of his daily expenses a good deal is known of his personal tastes and habits. He was continually moving about the country, spending a great amount of money on his needs. His personal cleanliness was most important to him and he arranged a bath to be prepared for him in the towns through which he passed. He also had a decided love for splendour possessed an immense collection of jewels and spent much of his money on dresses. Furthermore, John loved a good table.

 

King John and the French King

King Philip of France had been at war with the Angevin family for some thirty years. Up to 1206 John had nearly lost all his continental possessions to Philip. Philip’s next aim was the annexation of England as a personal family estate for the French crown. It should become a fief of his eldest son Louis. Therefore, Philip held a council in April 1213 in Soissons where he determined the legal relations between France and England when his son Louis should be crowned king of England.

The preparations for an attack against England started after this council. King Philip’s fleet and his army were in readiness at Gravelines just across the Flemish frontier. Philip secured himself from a possible attack from the count of Flanders by overrunning the country and moving his fleet into the Zwyn estuary.

Count Ferrand made an urgent appeal for English help. A council of war chaired by King John was held and it was decided to answer the count’s appeal for aid. On 28 May 1213 a fleet of 500 ships with 700 English and Flemish knights besides numerous men-at-arms set sail. The French fleet which anchored off Damme was caught unaware. The French knights having dispersed in search of plunder or being engaged in the siege of Ghent. The mariners left on board were killed and many of the ships were either captured or destroyed by the English. By good fortune rather than by good strategy the first encounter between the maritime strength of England and France had resulted in the total destruction of the French fleet.

John planned to follow up this success by a double attack on France. The count of Flanders should invade from the north-east, supported by Otto of Saxony. John himself would operate from Poitou.

John sailed for France in February 1214. On 15 February 1214 king John together with his family, his household and an army composed chiefly of knights "of small fortune" reached La Rochelle which was largely dependent for its prosperity on English trade and therefore it was loyal to English rule. La Rochelle remained John’s base throughout the campaign.

King John rapidly strengthened his position south of the Loire by taking Saintonge, Aquitaine and even the house of Lusignan with which he had quarrelled fifteen years before.

The movements of King Philip while John was recovering control of the country south of the Loire were obscure. Philip judged rightly that the danger from the north was the more serious. At the end of April 1214 king Philip was at Châteauroux where he divided his forces. He himself moved northwards and his son Louis was left with  800 knights to deal with John.

Louis met John at Angers where he stopped him. The reason for this was that the barons refused to fight a pitched battle. On 2 July 1214 John fled and returned to La Rochelle.

King Philip met Otto of Saxony and his allies at Bouvines. On 27 July 1214 the decisive battle of Bouvines took place. The French cavalry saved the day and Otto of Saxony fled. The battle was of a decisive character because it put an end to John’s aspiration to recover his continental dominions and it established the French monarchy.

In September 1214 John signed a truce with Philip which lasted until 1220.

The loss of the battle of Bouvines brought John an immense amount of disgrace in England.

 

 

Reasons why the conflict with the Church polarised under King John

 Royals had always seen ecclesiastical claim of “freedom of the Church” as a threat to their power, and so did John. As it was already said, King John was a very obstinate character. He, as his predecessors, tried to plant candidates in the top jobs in the Church, especially in Canterbury. Quite a dramatic example was the election to the bishopric of Coventry in 1209, where one of John’s candidates, Fulk de Cantilupe, who had already treated the monks of Canterbury brutally, locked the electors in a room with the parting words: “By God’s tongue you shall not leave until you have made a bishop as the King wants, so go and act quickly”. Actually this quotation summarizes the whole of the conflict, it was all about elections.

John largely ignored papal letters and instructions to intervene on one or other side during these conflicts. He just disregarded the power of Rome. But he underestimated the fact that he was facing one of the greatest Popes in the Middle Ages, Innocent III. Reasons for calling him a great Pope are his energetic intervention in politics on the one hand, and his justification of his behaviour with religious interests on the other. He stretched his role as ruler of the Church to intervene in matters which had nothing at all to do with Rome. This caused protest from France as well as from England because they just wanted to be left alone and not have the Pope in their way. But Innocent III justified his actions in prohibiting wars with his responsibility to prevent sin and injustice. Moreover, moral infallibility gave him the right to intervene in politics.

In 1207 the Pope consecrated Stephen Langton archbishop of Canterbury, which was a huge provocation towards the Crown. Langton had been a theologian and had taught at the university of Paris for more than 20 years. Of course John must have thought him much closer to the French than to John. As a consequence and to show his disregard for Langton, John levied frequent taxes, which was a profitable, but highly unpopular source of income. In 1208 Innocent III laid and interdict on England and Wales, all Church services were stopped and remained so for six years. The Interdict is “the most fearful and suicidal weapon the medieval Church” and we can see from that, that the Church also played with its powers. In 1209 John was excommunicated for not accepting Langton as archbishop of Canterbury and John’s reaction did not do any good: he confiscated estates of the Church, since it helped him out of his financial problems. Since there were no Church services anymore and a King, who was not a member of the English Church, bishops gradually trickled into exile, including Stephen Langton. Langton’s behaviour was very provocative in exile: he buried William de Braose, the opponent of John who had fled the realm and whose family John subsequently murdered. Even the Pope was provocative buy barbouring the King’s bitterest enemies, Robert Fitz Walter and Eustace de Vescy, who had been forced into exile.

John had to face a very difficult situation now and probably this was the peak of the culmination process of the conflict between John and the Church. Plotting barons and Philip’s threat to cross the Channel and invade England served to remind John that an excommunicated King was likely to provoke rebellion among his people. He decided to make peace with the Church in order to have free hand to deal with more important enemies. In 1213 he agreed to hold England as a fief of Rome and assured himself of the Pope’s support in the coming struggles. To sum up we can say, that the relationship between John and the Church was a feudal one. The baronial or northern opposition now had the Pope as an opponent.

Innocent III took back the Interdict and John’s excommunication, he even had annulled any conspiracy which had arisen out of his quarrel with John. Langton returned to England in June 1213, apparently to an effusive outbreak by John, who fell at his feet and kissed him. Langton was not impressed at all and from now on took the role of a mediator and threatened those with excommunication, who would assist the king against the rebels. John still called him a “notorious and open traitor”, which shows his contempt clearly. The Pope did not react to Langton’s complaints about the arbitrary way of the Crown and the unjust situation in England. In 1214 John granted a charter of freedom of elections in order to get some churchmen on his side, but by this time all his trying was in vain and the barons were far too angry.

 

King John and the barons

There had been a conflict between the Angevins and their barons for generations. But the conflict reached its highest point when John became king of England. There was widespread dislike and suspicion of John from the beginning of his reign. For the barons John was nothing more than a wicked tyrant whose abuses they pinned down in Magna Carta.

Historians described the reactions to John’s accession in the following way: "The whole of the bishops, as well as such earls and barons as had castles, strengthened the same with men, provision and arms."

The crisis between John and his barons falls into two periods which are divided by the defeat of John’s allies at Bouvines on 27 July 1214. Up to then there were many royal concessions and promises made. Thereafter these concessions were overtaken by baronial demands for reform.

 

The time before the Poitevin campaign

John’s policy towards his subjects, especially during the months preceding the expedition to Poitou, was determined by financial need, suspicion of treachery and the desirability of buying support.

Financial need. King John always emphasized the close interrelation of war and finance by pardoning debts or postponing  repayment in return for a fixed amount of military service over and above the normal feudal commitments of his vassals.

Suspicion of treachery. In January 1205 king John revealed his fear of treason by demanding the renewal of the oath of fealty by all those present at a council in London. Later this oath was extended to subjects throughout the country.

Up to the Poitevin campaign John was exploiting his customary rights as financial and political weapons. He disciplined his subjects by the threat or fact of imprisonment, by the exaction of hostages, by the surrender of castles, by the pledging of land and by financial pressure.

One of the prime objectives of the Charter was to prevent such confusion of the routine exercise of justice and other rights of lordship with important matters of policy.

The time after the Poitevin campaign

The French triumph undermined John’s credibility in England. Therefore the king faced a rebellious baronage when he returned to England in October 1214.

From this point onwards the crisis can be described in terms of a timetable.

October 1214. Magnates from East Anglia and the eastern midlands assembled at Bury St Edmunds to confer secretly about a charter granted more than a century ago by king Henry I. This charter had been designed in order to win friends and to influence the barons because Henry had seized the throne after the death of his brother William Rufus, despite the claims of his eldest brother, Robert, Duke of Normandy. Once Henry had been firmly on the throne the charter was shelved. It covered very topical issues such as the rate of reliefs, the right of wardship and marriage and debts to the crown. The charter wanted to restore the laws of king Edward the Confessor and thus wanted to put an end to the entire system of government introduced by Henry II and developed by John and his brother Richard.

Christmas 1214. John was confronted by a group of dissidents whose demands were the confirmation of the laws of Edward the Confessor and of the laws and the charter of Henry I. King John and his advisors who were playing for time proposed a postponement of full negotiations to a London conference set for 6 January 1214.

6 January 1215. The meeting between the barons who turned up armed to the teeth and repeated their demand of the confirmation of the charter ended in deadlock. The king proposed a further postponement of the weighty matter until Easter.

Both parties appealed to Rome in order to curry favour with influential members of the curia.

19 February 1215. John issued letters of safe conduct to a group of northern barons for a meeting with Archbishop Langton and William Marshall at Oxford but the baron s didn´t turn up. The notice was either unreasonably short or the barons distrusted the impartiality of the king’s proposed mediators.

4 March 1215. King John took the vows of a crusader and the events in Rome were developing to his advantage.

19 March 1215. Pope Innocent III drew up a group of letters which he regarded as threefold of peace. For the baronial agents these were tantamount to an ultimatum which was only answerable by war. Innocent III ordered the barons to renounce armed resistance under pain of excommunication. He also ordered them to approach the king as suppliants which meant that they should abandon their petition.

26 April 1215. The opposition barons gathered at Northampton from where they moved on to Brackley. John moved to Wallingford together with his advisors. From there he sent Langton and other bishops to meet the barons and demand precisely what customs and laws they desired.

30 April 1215. John at Wallingford receives the schedule of demands which is nowadays assumed to be the "Unknown Charter". John rejected the demands of the barons with the words: "Their demands are idle dreams without a shadow of reason." Marshall and Langton begged the king to accede either because they were sympathetic with the aims of the barons or they were frightened of the consequences of a major conflict with the barons. But John ordered them to return to the barons and repeat exactly what he had said.

5 May 1215. The barons reacted to John’s statement by sending a letter in which they renounced their homage and fealty.

6 May 1215. John offers a compromise settlement which contains a reform of any evil customs of his own and his brother’s reign. This gesture came probably too late and apart from that it was also unconvincing because John merely repeated the formula which had been rejected by the barons at Christmas. The king also was acting in bad faith because only two days after the offer of a compromise settlement, he required Langton to excommunicate the barons. Langton refuses and John writes to the pope to enforce the request.

9 May 1215. King John issued a charter which proposed that the issues and articles in dispute should be submitted to eight barons. The pope was chosen by John as arbiter. This issue could hardly be serious because such an arbitration court would have taken month.

10 May 1215. A royal letters patent affirmed that the king "would not arrest or disseize his opponents or their men expect by law of the land and by judgement of their peers in his court". This date can be seen as the end of the phoney war.

12 May 1215. Writs were dispatched to the sheriffs to seize the lands and chattels of the king’s enemies.

14 May 1215. John was assigning rebel territories among his supporters.

Hostiles broke out throughout the country. The rebel forces seized Bedford, Devon, Exeter, Northampton and Lincoln. John headquartered at Windsor during this time.

17 May 1215. The rebel barons took London. From the Tower they sent a letter threatening death and destruction to John’s adherents. After that many wavers joined the rebels. With the prize in their hands, the opposition barons could force the king to the conference table.

15 June 1215. John met the baronial opposition in the meadows of Runnymede which was the place traditionally used to discuss peace in the realm. There John signed the Charter and on 19 June 1215 there  was a ceremony of peace between the king and the barons.

 

To sum up we could say that Magna Carta reflects two distinct circumstances.

It emerged from

  · the increasing maturity of European political thought and practise.

  · the concept of rule according to law.

  · the demand of the preservation of the rights of the subjects within a feudal and

     ecclesiastical hierarchy 

  · routine patterns of government which went with more disciplined and sophisticated forms

    of administration

Apart from the points mentioned above, Magna Carta was also a product of political crisis and sprang directly from

  · the flexibility and severity of Angevin methods of government under the ruthless and

     capable direction of John.

  · urgent requirements imposed by foreign wars for the defence.

  · the financial collapse of John’s military and diplomatic schemes on the fields of Bouvines

     in July 1214.

 

The Magna Carta

The Magna Carta is a product of many hands, therefore it contains 63 clauses and is quite inconsistent as to its contents. Most of the clauses deal with specific, and often long-standing, grievances rather than with general principles of law. Magna Carta was a failure as a peace treaty, but it was always taken seriously as a statement of law. It was amended and reissued in 1216, 1217 and 1225. Because the reissue of 1217 was accompanied by the publication of a second, smaller charter, dealing with the forest law, it became known as the “Great Charter” Magna Carta. It was signed at Runnymede, Surrey, in June 19, 1215 and secured to the English people many liberties which had before been invaded, and provided against many abuses which before rendered liberty a mere name. All that we today understand as safeguards of liberty was not in the charter: Consent to taxation, trial only by jury, independence of judiciary, contract between King and nation. But some of the provisions of our civil liberty, mainly in the interest of individual rights, are plainly present. The Magna Carta is divided into thirty-eight chapters:

 

1. To the which relate as follows, namely: freedom of the church and ecclesiastical persons. 2. To the nobility, knights' service, etc. 3. Heirs and their being in ward. 4. Guardians for heirs within age, who are to commit no waste. 5. To the land and other property of heirs, and the delivery of them up when the heirs are of age. 6. The marriage of heirs. 7. Dower of women in the lands of their husbands. 8. Sheriffs and their bailiffs. 9. To the ancient liberties of London and other cities. 10. To distress for rent. 11. The court of common pleas, which is to be located. 12. The assise on disseisin of lands. 13. Assises of darein presentments, brought by ecclesiastics. 14. The amercement of a freeman for a fault. 15. The making of bridges by towns. 16. Provisions for repairing sea banks and sewers. 17. Forbids sheriffs and coroners to hold pleas of the crown. 18. Prefers the king's debt when the debtor dies insolvent. 19. To the purveyance of the king's house. 20. To the castleguard. 21. To the manner of taking property for public use. 22. To the lands of felons, which the king is to have for a year and a day, and afterwards the lord of the fee. 23. To weirs which are to be put down in rivers. 24. To the writ of praecipe in capite for lords against tenants offering wrong, etc. 25. To measures. 26. To inquisitions of life and member, which are to be granted freely. 27. To knights' service and other ancient tenures. 28. To accusations, which must be under oath. 29. To the freedom of the subject. No freeman shall be disseised of his freehold, imprisoned and condemned, but by judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land. 30. To merchant strangers, who are to be civilly treated. 31. To escheats. 32. To the power of selling land by a freeman, which is limited. 33. To patrons of abbeys, etc. 34. To the right of a woman to appeal for the death of her husband. 35. To the time of holding courts. 36. To mortmain. 37. To escuage and subsidy. 38. Confirms every article of the charter. (Please see the course homepage for more details

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Sources

 

Bibliography

 

· Fryde, Natalie.Why Magna Carta?: Angevin England revisited/Natalie Fryde. – Münster:    

             LIT, 2001

· Holt, J.C.Magna Carta and Medieval Government. – (History series; 38), published by The

             Hambledon Press, 1985

· Holt, J.C.Magna Carta. – published by The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press,

             1965    

· Hindley, Geoffrey.The book of Magna Carta. – published by Constable and Company    

             Limited 10 Orange Street, London, 1990

· Poole, Austin Lane.From Domesday Book to Magna Carta 1087 – 1216. – published by

             Oxford University Press, Amen House, London, 1951

· www.birtannia.com/monarchs/mon28.html

· www.infokey.com/hon/magna.htm

· classes.maxwell.syr.edu/his311/Maxims1.html

· www.bl.uk/collections/treasures/magna.html

·www.britannia.com/history/johncon.html

 

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